Sidebar | Other Voices on the BBL: Helping Develop Public Understanding

Read article: “Reporting the House vote on the BBL: Legitimizing media bias“

RARELY DID the media organizations monitored present the views of those directly affected by the voting’s outcome, such as the indigenous peoples’ communities, the people of Mindanao in general and those living in the autonomous region, and of course, the MILF. When some stories included these parties in the news discourse, the quotes were relegated to the end of the account, or the stories themselves were in the inside pages.

Some examples:

Philippine Daily Inquirer

“BBL changes 90% OK with still ‘uneasy’ MILF” (May 20, 2015)

The Philippine Star

“BBL falls short of international standards for indigenous peoples” (May 24, 2015)
“MILF chairman: Don’t change BBL” (May 20, 2015)

Manila Bulletin

“All systems go for Maguindanao Summit” (May 23, 2015)
“Maguindanao sets peace summit to tackle BBL issues” (May 22, 2015)
“Ad Hoc approval of BBL draws mixed reaction” (May 21, 2015)
“MILF, MNLF air appeal for ‘ideal’ BBL” (May 20, 2015)
“Peace assembly for BBL in NorCot” (May 18, 2015)
“Zambo tri-people sectors rally behind BBL” (May 17, 2015)

What most media organizations lacked in their reporting were provided by other, more thoughtful journalists.

Of the news programs monitored by CMFR, only TV5’s Aksyon (May 18 and 19) did an interview with MILF chairperson Al Haj Murad Ebrahim discussing the revolutionary organization’s views on the House deliberations.

CNN Philippines’ Network News (May 22) did air a report that featured MILF chief peace negotiator Mohagher Iqbal, who commented on the committee report by the Senate Committee on Constitutional Amendments and Revision of Codes led by Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago. It mentioned some points raised by the committee report, such as the discussion on the creation of a sub-state, but  failed to provide context by referring to the draft BBL itself or to the House deliberations which also addressed the same concern. No effort was made to connect the committee report’s findings to the substitute bill approved by lawmakers during the House deliberations.

The failure to include the voices of other stakeholders in their reports demonstrated a persistent bias against the BBL.  Including them in the news agenda could have provided the other perspectives that many reports lacked, in contrast to their relentlessly negative framing of the House deliberations. There were obviously more quotes in the news from sources critical of the BBL than those who are in favor of it.

This bias and imbalance leads to the impression that the draft law is without merit and is undeserving of support. It also helped reinforce mistrust against the MILF (Read: “Coverage of the BBL (7-14 April 2015): Bias and Prejudice against Bangsamoro,” May 11, 2015).

And yet the MILF is the major stakeholder involved in the final form the BBL would take—a fact which may not be apparent to the public due to the lack of reports airing the revolutionary organization’s side.  More coverage of their side could have helped put in context its position in the grander scheme of the peace process and the policy to pursue the constitutional mandate to grant the Bangsamoro genuine autonomy.

A report published by MindaNews on May 23 sought to analyze and contextualize the implications of the House voting on the BBL. (“Committee-approved BBL: Is it faithful to the peace pact? Is it more than ARMM?”, MindaNews)

The report provided a short backgrounder on the peace agreement between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) that led to the establishment of the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) which the envisioned Bangsamoro region seeks to replace. It contained informative insights from several sources including key personalities in the Bangsamoro Transition Committee (BTC) such as Mohagher Iqbal and BTC Commissioner Lawyer Raissa Jajurie. Muslimin Sema, chair of one of the MNLF factions and his lawyer son, Omar; ARMM officials; as well as Undersecretary Jose Lorena of the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP); and GPH peace panel chair Miriam Coronel-Ferrer were also cited.

A discussion on the implications of the amendments approved in the House voting was provided by the writer.

Among the topics discussed by the article were the “problematic provisions” in the substitute bill. BTC Commissioner Jajurie cited Article 12, Section 2 on Economy and Patrimony. The Commissioner questioned the use of the term “strategic minerals” which is a problematic term used in RA 9054, the act amending RA 6734 or the Organic Act for the ARMM. “If it is problematic, why use it again? What, who defines what is ‘strategic minerals?’” She said.

ARMM Executive Secretary Laisa Alamia also raised concerns regarding the weakening of a provision for a human rights commission despite its being provided for in RA 9054. Under the substitute bill, the Bangsamoro Human Rights Commission will be supervised by the national Commission on Human Rights.

Several other articles related to the BBL have also been published by MindaNews in a section dedicated to the peace process.

Online journalist and South China Morning Post correspondent Raissa Robles published a lengthy piece in her personal website (“Can we trust the MILF?”, raissarobles.com, May 25, 2015) which sought to dispel many misconceptions about the BBL.

At the beginning of her article, Robles posed this question:

“Can we really trust the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) to do right by this peace deal which they are about to receive and not use it as a stepping stone to secession?”

Following that, Robles laid out sixteen points about the MILF and the BBL as she tried to answer the question she posed at the beginning of her piece.

In discussing the points, Robles provided background information and tied the issue to history. She also provided analyses of whatever relevant laws she mentioned.

MindaNews and Robles succeeded in demonstrating how  the major media organizations could have done better by providing sufficient background information and putting issues in the context of the country’s, Mindanao’s, and the Bangsamoro people’s history.